By: Lotole Lo Luri
“We are now totally convinced that should we follow to the letter what is stipulated in this document, herewith known as the Dinka Development Plan (DDP), Dinka shall rise and shine and we shall be able to rule South Sudan for at least 200 years.”
The above excerpt serves as a preamble of the DDP, which came as a letter addressed to President Salva Kiir. I was baffled by the projected “at least 200 years” of continuous Jieng rule. It makes one wonder – what system of governance will it be?! Will it be a Constitutional Monarchy or an Executive one?! However, such systems are based on royal succession relating to dynasties. It looks like a long shot. The Jieng themselves would rubbish the idea as foreign to their lifestyle and culture. But from another angle, it’s inconceivable that a community that remains embroiled in revenge killings and cattle rustling in the 21st century would suddenly transform into one that would make an Executive or Constitutional monarchy flourish. Of course, federalism, socialism and even the ideological systems of governance are out of the question because they entail power-sharing with other ethnicities. However, inconsistency of political positions is commonplace among Jieng politicians. They often change their positions in the blink of an eye when they see an advantage. Even those who authored the DDP are known for flip-flopping. For example, Aldo Ajou Deng, the notorious tribal bigot, betrayed Southerners in the government of national unity that El Sadiq El Mahadi led in 1986. The Southern four parties in the coalition reached a consensus to temporarily pull out of the government as part of political pressure on Prime Minister El Sadiq El Mahadi to get concessions. But Aldo Ajou could not control his greed and eventually succumbed to the Munduku, stabbing his brothers, the Southerners, in the back. He teamed up with El Sadiq El Mahadi and refused to resign from his ministerial position as demanded by the Southern Caucus.
Hypothetically, suppose a communist group takes control of the government in South Sudan. In that case scenario, the Jieng will not object as long as the leader is one of their own, but stiff resistance will arise immediately if the leader hails from a community other than the Jieng community. Moreover, while the Jieng
Moslem politicians receive a lot of attention and are accorded top positions in the government, their colleagues hailing from the other tribes are ignored and often accused of being a fifth column for the Jallaba.
It’s abundantly evident that the JCE is pushing for an autocratic regime in South Sudan by implementing the DDP. But that isn’t everything; it comes with a caveat. Absolute loyalty to the leader is the cornerstone of autocratic regimes. Any hint of disloyalty will be dealt with ruthlessly. For example, Kim Jong-Un, the North Korean dictator, executed his uncle by a firing squad using an anti-aircraft gun. He also liquidated his half-brother by agents spraying the victim’s face with VX nerve agent.
Dr Carol Berger stated in her paper that the Jieng are ready to eliminate anyone within their community who proved to be an obstacle to their grand scheme. Examples are the cold-blooded murder of the Journalist and political commentator Isaiah Abraham and the brutal killing of Kerbino Agok Wol, the leader of the 7th of October Movement.
Therefore, in this case, the caveat is that the required loyalty trumps any other consideration, including being from the same ethnicity, family, or blood relations. It’s the kind of loyalty displayed by two of President Kiir’s staunch supporters. General James Hoth Mai, the former Chief of General Staff, continued to sell the fallacy of a coup d’etat as the cause of the civil war. The brutal massacre of his Nuer folks, including some of his close relatives, never moved him an inch. Another example of blind support was provided by Dr Martin Elia Lomuro, the Cabinet Affairs Minister, who declared that “people should work for the President” rather than for the country. A handful of individuals hailing from other communities and having few positions in the government are part of the DDP, as the benefits are twofold. Firstly, it projects a false impression of inclusivity to the outside world and a talking point to defend the government against being accused of tribalism. Secondly, it reinforces the policy of divide and rule among the other communities and within the same community.
In conclusion, the JCE, through the implementation of the DDP, managed to create an autocracy the world had never seen previously. It’s one of its kind in the entire universe. Autocratic governments usually possess an ideology that they propagate to keep them in power. The regime has no ideology or vision for a better future for the country. It’s a government run by a group of kleptocrats who must demonstrate unquestioning loyalty to President Kiir for political survival. Ruling by decrees is the best method for the JCE to accomplish what had been stipulated in the DDP.
“Fundamental steps to be taken by Jieng:
Increase the number of schools in Dinka States and post in them highly educated teachers. We shall take it upon ourselves to fill the schools with pupils and students every year.”
The list’s first demand reminds us of what Southerners used to complain about against the Northerners before secession from Sudan. The Jallaba-led government pursued a policy that ensured Southerners remained educationally backward. All those from my generation were affected by that policy. In my final year at my school, before sitting for the Sudan School Certificate Examination, we were shocked by the absence of teachers who happened to be Northerners. We had to depend on ourselves and work hard to pass the examination. Some of the JCE members were even ministers in the Jallaba-dominated governments. Undoubtedly, all of them know what happened in the past. Yet, they have stepped into the Jallaba shoes, implementing those olden policies. The Jieng are leading the rest of the South Sudanese regarding the presence of schools and higher education in their area. I wonder whether the members of this tribalistic body know or care about the educational deprivation that is going on in the greater Pibor Administrative Area and among the people of Maban. The allocation of Schools and other academic institutions shouldn’t be guided by the advice of tribal bigots who aren’t experts in the field of education. It must be equitable, ensuring fairness and equal opportunities.
” 2. We shall ensure the Jieng are made military Officers in order to equate the number of non-Dinka Military Officers or even to supersede them. We must not accept the non-Dinka to boast that they are cleverer than us.”
Never mind the quality of the writing; we can easily decipher its whole meaning, though the wording appears clumsy. However, the thought process behind those words makes one question the wisdom of these people. How can a wise person say the last sentence in the above excerpt? If indeed what they said was true, how could they stop the non-Dinka (a new term) from boasting about being cleverer than the Jieng? How does that relate to having a higher number of military officers? The whole thing is ludicrous and has certainly dwarfed the authors in the public eye.
The use of the term non-Dinka propagates the false notion that the Dinka are the majority in South Sudan. They are undoubtedly the largest tribe in the country but aren’t a majority tribe. In essence, there is no majority tribe in South Sudan. The Jieng are utilizing their monopoly of the media and the diplomatic corps to mislead foreign entities about the composition of the South Sudanese populace, claiming the Jieng to constitute the majority. They are even doing the same in what they call non-Dinka areas, as you will learn in the following excerpts.
The rational people within the Jieng community know that the Jieng obsession with being a majority in South Sudan does not stand scrutiny. How could they be the majority if they can barely form 25% of the population? Many would dispute this figure as very generous to the Jieng community, but it’s based on the Sudan population census of 2008.
The words “majority” and “minority” should never be used in discussions or documentation about the population of South Sudan. The Jieng claim to be the majority, but they haven’t shown us who the minority is. As the other 63 tribes constitute at least 75 % of the populace, the Jieng claim of being the majority is comprehensively debunked. One can argue that there will never be a majority or a minority tribe in South Sudan because there’s no basis for drawing a comparison.
To be continued in Part 5 on Wednesday, 12/02/2025
